The Pontignano Conference, established in 1993, brings together the British and Italian politicians, parliamentarians, business people, academics, journalists and other opinion formers. The themes under discussion at the Conference are the key issues facing Britain and Italy in Europe today. It is chaired by Chris Patten and Prof. Giuliano Amato and takes place every year in September. The Conference is organised by the British Council and the British Embassy in Rome in collaboration with the Italian Embassy in London, the University of Siena and St Antony's College, Oxford.
The Conference is held under the Chatham House Rule, therefore participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed.
While the format of the conference remained the same, we have taken the opportunity since 2009, to move the location to Rome: apart from providing better value for money, this has encouraged greater ministerial involvement. To celebrate the 20th edition of the Conference, in 2012, the event will return to the Certosa di Pontignano where this well-known conference held its first historic meeting.
Pontignano XIX
23 - 25 September 2011
"Democracy and its discontents"
Four working groups discussed in detail the following themes:
DEMOCRACY: PUBLIC DEBT AND PRIVATE GROWTH
How is democracy coping with the debt crisis? Both Italy and the UK need to not only implement austerity measures, but also look for avenues and opportunities for growth. What policies and reforms are needed in order to not only get the UK and Italy back on their feet, but also make them more competitive in an increasingly cutthroat international market? If painful reforms are needed, are our democracies robust enough to confront the challenges ahead, or are we heading for yet more confrontation? West Europe has lower growth forecasts than Asia, the US and the emerging economies. Without new polices, this lack of growth will further impoverish the middle-class and reduce social mobility. Ultimately this leads to a lack of confidence and inclusion across large parts of society – with youth feeling the greatest pain. Yet we are not without hope. Perhaps the growth engines of the digital economy, sustainability, and the rejuvenation of infrastructure may yet prove suitable candidates for saving the day. If so, what can policy makers, business leaders and our democracies do to turbo-charge these areas? What are the learning points from societies and communities that have successfully enabled growth in these areas?
DEMOCRACY: THE ROLE OF OLD AND NEW MEDIA
What impact is new media having on democracy and participation? Digital democracy is no longer about more efficient voting, but rather the emerging and revolutionary power of social networks and digital media in the hands of citizens. Google’s informal motto of “don’t be evil” has seen them leave China on the one hand, and on the other to actively help by-pass the Egyptian government’s decision to block social media on their national territory.
Meanwhile Facebook is regularly used to gather support and outwit police at demonstrations. Wikileaks, meanwhile, have an agenda that goes well beyond the simple leaking of sensitive documents to the public. At the same time the old media, specifically TV, is considered by several scholars as one of the reasons why our democracies have weakened: it is seen to fuel emotions, fears and hostilities that make rational deliberation by the electorate impossible. Where does all this leave traditional government and ballot-box democracy? Can the governments of the UK and Italy harness the power of new media to help re-engage their young people in a credible way, or is new media destined to become merely an ever bigger thorn in their side? And what do we do about the old media, and how the opinions voiced there by those that own them shape the political debate?
DEMOCRACY: NEXT GENERATION EUROPE
Is Europe failing to meet the needs of the next generation of Europeans? In both countries, recent scandals have brought the reputation of politics into disrepute at precisely the time when the need for trust in politics, and for politicians themselves to concentrate on reform, has never been greater. Our young people are better qualified than ever, but many face a future of low salaries in unrewarding jobs, working longer and harder than the generation before, whilst being poorer than their parents. As they work to support an ageing population and pay off the cost of their education, home ownership and saving for a pension will be beyond many. And as youth unemployment grows, young people in the UK and Italy will increasingly be competing for jobs with young people in China and India. What can we do to re-engage the next generation and find solutions to these increasingly pressing problems? Is this something that can be tackled at a national level only, or does it require a bigger, combined push at the European level?
DEMOCRACY: BEYOND THE NATION STATE?
Where are decisions made, and by whom? At one level, we are seeing more power devolved to the local level. Devolution in the UK has already resulted in new power structures at the national and regional level, while Italy, precisely at the point of celebrating its 150th anniversary as a nation in 2011, is seeing increasing pressure applied from the north for major federal reform. We have also seen the emergence of new policies in the UK aimed at engaging communities and civil society more in decision making and in the delivery of services traditionally provided for by the state. At another level, national state power structures seem inadequate to deal with a whole host of emerging issues, such as migration, international terrorism, and the Euro crises; couple this with the emergence of European institutions and it becomes clear that the traditional role of the nation state is being squeezed from both sides. Where does this leave the traditional voter and the national political parties? Is further public/private sector collaboration and decentralisation a workable solution, or will it simply further muddy accountability and decision making? If bigger societies are the solution, how big do they need to be and what role does this leave for the state?
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